Thats despite a backdrop of unceasing vitriol directed toward Ukraine on state television, and the persistent, oft-repeated idea that it is external attacks that require Russia to take defensive measures. showed that there is little enthusiasm for a real, large-scale war among members of Russias modern, urban society (the countrys military operations in Syria and eastern Ukraine in recent years were not seen as real wars). The longer the war drags on, the deeper the human and economic toll in Russia, which will almost invariably impact public opinion, Botchkovar says.
He is not a bright leader, and not the tyrant that the opposition paints him as, but he is definitely not the best thing that could happen to Russia. It seemed to me that all this was not real and could not last long. But as time passed, I got used to it, no matter how terrible it was. People get used even to war, especially if they live far from the battleground. The concentration of human beings and not cyborgs with eternally gloomy faces per square kilometre is much higher here than in Moscow. But if you have imperialist views, you will not be able to live in Tbilisi for long.
Many Russians Feel a Deep Unease Over Going to War
Right now, they are relatively safe, but its a constant worry for my family. Its hard to differentiate global problems from everyday ones, as you can see. But to combat the anxiety, we try to remember our connections with friends and family and enjoy the spring weather.
But with the invasion of Ukraine, the dream of Russian collaboration in the project stalled, he says. " https://rentry.co/ke7cpzxp having a meeting at the end of February," he says, "and it's basically Alaska, Canada and Scandinavia. There's no one from Russia coming." Unsurprisingly, Ray said, 0% of respondents support the Kremlin, and only a sliver of Ukrainians back the Chinese government (Beijing is Moscows top trade partner, and one of its closest political allies). Ukraines two greatest military aid providers are the U.S. and Germany.
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A major gulf in attitudes rose regarding Crimea, whose annexation was supported by 87 percent of Russians and opposed by 69 percent of Ukrainians. In Russia, both pro-Putin supporters and anti-Putin oppositionists like Alexei Navalny and Mikhail Khodorkovsky backed the annexation of Crimea. Seventy-nine percent of Russians linked that action to the revival of Russia as a great power and a return to Russias rightful dominance of the former Soviet Union. In 2010, with the election of Viktor Yanukovych, Russian attitudes toward Ukraine dramatically improved, doubling to a 70 percent approval rating. Yanukovych signed the Kharkiv Accords extending the Black Sea Fleet basing agreement to 2042, and Ukraine adopted a non-bloc foreign policy and changed its approach to national identity questions such as the Holodomor. In contrast, during the same period, the percentage of Russians holding positive views of Ukrainians plummeted from 55 to 34 percent.
- Many shout about it openly, but it doesnt end in anything good.
- Sanctions have targeted banks, oil refineries, military and luxury product exports as well as members of the Russian regime and oligarchs with close ties to the Kremlin.
- If Ukrainians succeeded in fully reforming their country along lines of other western democracies, it would set a bad precedent for former Soviet countries and serve as an example for Russians who want a more democratic country.
- But, since Russia invaded Ukraine, it's been increasingly difficult for climate scientists in Russia to collaborate or share data about conditions in the country's vast frozen areas.
That means they're on conflicting sides and feel the shunning of Russia most of all. Volkov says these polls are conducted face-to-face, and people are assured of anonymity. Still, he notes, the survey results reveal at least as much about what people are willing to say in public than about how they truly feel. But 66 percent of Russians aged between 18 and 24 have a positive or very positive attitude toward Ukraine.
I can do without access to the blocked social media platforms. But many Russians are being deprived not only of a meaningless feed with entertaining content, but also of memories, work, and also important and truthful information about what is happening, which cant be obtained from a zombie box (television). I dont support that view, but I do think we need some changes. When I think about the conflict, I feel anxious, sad, and frustrated.
- The Kremlin called a halt to the mobilization in early 2023, but never issued another decree or document confirming the end of the process.
- Restrictions on reporting are increasingly severe, and access to almost all independent outlets is blocked or limited - or they censor themselves.
- The fraught nature of their decisions to enlist will increase their hostility toward those who make the opposite choice.
- Airfares were growing each time I refreshed the page and having reached the figure of 300,000 rubles ($4,000), I understood that an alternative was needed and bought bus tickets to Tbilisi with my girl from Moscow for 5,000 rubles ($66) each.
- Some of my friends are leaving the country right now, and I understand them.
That is because its most avid proponents, and its most intractable opponents, will not change their minds. If those who see it as a just war start to suspect that it is slipping into an existential conflict with the West, or if conformists change their risk calculations because they face being drafted, the balance of opinion may shift decisively. The first, a blitzkrieg to capture Kyiv, failed within the first month.
